Saturday, July 29, 2017

Peace in the Post-Christian Era

Thomas Merton, 1968, from The Inner Experience, published in 2003:
The sense of sin is therefore something far deeper and more urgent than the prurient feeling of naughtiness which most pious people have trained themselves to experience when they violate the taboos of their sect. There is something scandalous about the religiosity of popular piety. All the empty gestures of people who do not do good and avoid evil, but make signs of the good, go through gesticulations which symbolize good intentions, and allay their guilt feelings with appropriate grimaces of piety. All these gestures are performed with scrupulous fidelity and accompanied with the right degree of optimism about God and humanity, but at the same time the most terrible of crimes are accepted without a tremor because they are, after all, collective. Take, for instance, the willingness of the majority of “believers” to accept the hydrogen bomb, with all that it implies, with no more than a shadow of theoretical protest. This is almost unbelievable, and yet it has become so commonplace that no one wonders at it anymore. The state of the world at the present day is the clearest possible indication that the whole human race is full of sin—for which responsibility becomes more and more collective and therefore more and more nebulous.
It has been remarked that the more totalitarian a society is, for example that of Russia or of Hitler’s Germany, the less its members feel any sense of sin. They can commit any evil without remorse as long as they feel they are acting as members of their collectivity. The only evil they fear is to be cut off from the community that takes their sins upon itself and “destroys” them. This is the worst of disasters, and the slightest indication of disunion with the group is the cause of anxiety and guilt.
This is the way our world is going, and in such a world the spirit and the spiritual have no more meaning because the person has no meaning. But it is the vocation and mission of the contemplative to keep alive the spirit of humanity, and to nurture, at least in oneself, personal responsibility before God and personal independence from collective irresponsibility.
Merton's once-censored Peace in the Post-Christian Era shares similar poignant observations on collective responsibility.  

Wednesday, July 19, 2017

Assumed the Watch, revisited (1)

In June 2008, I finished my eighteen-month tour on the USS Cowpens and thus reached my minimum service obligation of four years in the United States Navy.  I resigned my commission, separated from the navy, and moved to Canada a couple months later to start graduate school at the University of Toronto.   During that year in Toronto, when I had free time, I pulled together some disjointed stories and musings from my previous four years in the navy.  By the summer of 2009, they all came together in a self-published book, Assumed the Watch. Moored as Before. (An Alternative Naval Officer’s Guide).
            Eight years later, when I occasionally reflect back on both the navy and the book, I harbor no real regrets.  True, I could have left out one or two of the more superfluous penis jokes and references.  I probably could have weaved some of the stories into a better cohesive whole.  And, it probably could have been less bitter or angry.  That is, if I were to have written a book about my time in the navy (2004-2008) now, it would look a lot different from the one I wrote.  Yet in 2009, after Toronto, I was on my way to Uganda for a year-and-a-half volunteer teacher program.  One of my closest navy friends encouraged me to get the book out sooner rather than later, to capture the bitter me in the bitter moment, especially before I became too “peacey-lovey” in Uganda.  And so I did: I tried to capture an honest, bitter moment, and I’m glad I did.  
All in all then, I am proud of the book.  Short of bringing down the entire U.S. Navy, it accomplished what I wanted it to do: it was fun to write; it exorcised some of my demons; it made a handful of officers and sailors still out in the navy laugh and even cry; and it eventually broke even and, somehow, still brings in a couple dollars of royalties once in awhile.  
In Assumed the Watch, I do not paint life in the navy as a surface warfare officer (SWO) in a good light.  And by sharing all of my reactions to that life, I admittedly do not paint myself in a good light either.  John Wheelwright, the narrator in John Irving’s beautiful A Prayer for Owen Meany, reflects on his move to Canada during the Vietnam era: “But I didn’t come to Canada to be a smart-ass American….  I didn’t want to be one of those people who are critical of everything.”  He, predictably, had become “one of those people.”  I went to Canada in a different time and for different reasons, but by many accounts, I was the smart-ass American that he described.  I was critical and complained of many things, both American and non-American.  This comes out in the pages of Assumed the Watch.  There are positive reviews of the book on Amazon and elsewhere.  But, there are certainly negative reviews as well and some reviews in between.  Among the mixed reviews, these two are my favorite:
A shockingly accurate yet incredibly whiny and negative view of life in the surface navy.

I am in the Navy but luckily not a SWO.  [SWO’s] are miserable and yes they do like it that way. It is just the culture. LT Fitzgibbons didn't like the Navy, but the Navy is not about liking it is about serving. I only fear Mr. Fitzgibbons will find himself as bored in the corporate world as he did in the Navy. Hopefully he finds a job crab fishing or smoke jumping I don't think he can hack the 9-5 world either.

All through high school, I never got in trouble.  I never argued with my parents.  I dutifully did any schoolwork or housework asked of me.  It appears, then, that I had saved my teenage angst for my early-to-mid twenties and for my respective commanding officers.  I was, at times, a little shit.  If the now-high-school-teacher-I was in charge of the then-sophomoric-me, especially on my first ship, I would have tired quickly of my attitude.  Thus, I am thankful that my captains went easier on me than they could have or perhaps should have.
None of this is to absolve Uncle Sam, John Paul Jones, or Commodore Barry of any malfeasance on their part that led to our divorce in 2008.  But almost ten years later, I recognize my own role in the matter.

When I wrote the very first draft of Assumed the Watch, it was much longer.  It contained a second half which attempted to summarize, theologize, and philosophize away not only the surface navy but the need for all wars, ever—past, present, and future.  Fresh out of the navy, I had embraced pacifism, and I felt like I had to make the case for it there and then, or never.  When I sent the first draft to my friend Weston, who had served in the navy and was in the army at the time, he told me he really enjoyed the first half of the book.  However, he didn’t like the second half.  Not necessarily because he disagreed with all of it.  But rather, I was in over my head and trying to do much.  I was more effective in what I didn’t say—stick to the stories—he said.  He was right, and I lopped off the second half.
After President Trump has fired Tomahawk cruise missiles to Syria—or was it Iraq?—while eating “the most beautiful piece of chocolate cake,” I now feel compelled to revisit some of the more explicitly anti-war sentiments from the original draft.  Much of the popular U.S. media, which had been relentless in their criticism of Trump since his inauguration, now fawned over the new president and his missiles.  This was his first “presidential” act, many commentators applauded.  MSNBC’s Brian Williams went so far as to, oddly, describe “beautiful” images of the ships firing the missiles.  Was he speaking of the missiles themselves?  Of the gray ships illuminated at night?  Or, the smoothness of the operation, at least seen from this end?
That is not to pick on Williams alone.  He and we are part of a larger current.  More than 70 years ago, Orwell wrote, “Political language—and with variations this is true of all political parties, from Conservatives to Anarchists—is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”  Sleek missiles fired from sleek gray ships intoxicate Americans of all stripes and parties.  It seems respectable.  As for the other end of the missile, which we rarely see, the powerful have fed us phrases suitable for our palate: collateral damage, enemy combatants, extraordinary renditions, and enhanced interrogation techniques.  We mindlessly accept the language and in turn do our own sanitizing and euphemizing.       
Those Tomahawk cruise missiles—and the ones before and the ones since—came from navy warships similar to one I served on.  In fact, in 2003, three and a half years before I reported on board, the USS Cowpens fired thirty-seven missiles in the initial “shock and awe” devastation in Iraq.

In 2003, while the Cowpens fired those missiles, I was studying abroad in Cairo as an undergrad and as an inconspicuous ROTC midshipman.  Watching the Iraq invasion unfold from the center of the Arab world necessarily colored my view of the war, and from then, March of 2003 would forever color my political worldview.  And so, when I took the oath of office in 2004 and was commissioned an Ensign in the navy, I said aloud with my right hand raised that I had no “mental reservation or purpose of evasion.”  While I took that oath freely and while I did not have any purpose of evasion, I certainly had mental reservation.  What would I be asked to do?  Would I have to participate in what I believed was an unjust war?  With modern weaponry, can any war be just?  And even if I was not directly involved in that or any war, did my being part of the institution nevertheless equate with guilt and complicity?     
Assumed the Watch, without that second, moralizing half of the book, attempted to describe the boredom and the bureaucracy of the navy: fudging spreadsheets; counting bullets; painting and re-painting the hull; circling with the carrier in the Pacific for weeks at a time; sweeping; inspecting and preparing for inspections; and more sweeping.  Some degree of bureaucracy and non-glamorous work, I’ve learned since, is part of life in any institution.  And, toxicity can exist in any work environment, military or civilian, to be sure.  Yet, lurking behind my mundane, soul-crushing paperwork was some larger soul seeking.  Behind our carelessly vulgar and often dehumanizing everyday language were some essential human questions.  That is, I no longer believed in the mission of the United States Navy, and in particular instances and particular places, I found that mission to be explicitly immoral.
In 1951, W. H. Auden wrote a poem entitled “Fleet Visit,” which seems like it was written specifically for the USS Pelican or the USS Cowpens.   In it, he feels bad for the sailors who come ashore, “mild-looking middle-class boys,” who are victims to some larger social forces.  But, I think he gives us too much credit when he says, “No wonder they get drunk.”  I can’t attribute my fake suicide notes, my going AWOL for a concert, or my drinking copious amounts of cheap beer most weekends, for instance, to some connection or disconnection from any “Social Beast” that Auden names.  All of my shenanigans did not stem from a larger moral and existential crisis.  But, I nevertheless navigated through a moral and existential crisis.      

            My “war story” is fairly clean and normal.   Because of that, it is no story of real war, and for that, I am grateful.  I have my life, my limbs, and my wits.  I never felt real danger in those four years, and I thankfully never had a comrade or friend killed in war.  Given the choice between navy war games in the Pacific and Marine wars in Fallujah, I still would go with the navy war games every day.   Whether it was in Cairo as a student, in Bahrain as a newly minted Ensign, or on the Cowpens after it had fired those missiles, I was always several degrees removed from the action.  Thus, my war story is neither Ron Kovic’s Born on the Fourth of July on one hand nor Chris Kyle’s American Sniper on the other.  But precisely because my war story is so normal, so clean, and frankly so removed, I believe it is worth sharing or, rather, sharing again in a different light.  
In theory, uniformed military members take orders from a civilian commander-in-chief and civilian cabinet members and advisors; that commander-in-chief must seek a declaration of war, or now at least some type of “resolution,” from Congress; furthermore, both that commander-in-chief and those members of Congress purchase the hardware for any war; but both that commander-in-chief and those members of Congress serve at the pleasure of the citizens of the United States, who elect them.  And so in theory, the citizens of this country have a say in foreign and military policy.  Yet, so many of us have outsourced our critical thinking on these matters.  The decision-makers have given us the clean images and the clean language of war.  In turn, we have given them our consent.  We are, for the most part, neither a check nor a balance on their decision-making.  
Most Americans do not view war from the vantage point of Ron Kovic or Chris Kyle, even after we have read their books.  Let alone from the vantage point of the Vietnamese or the Iraqis.  Many Americans choose not to view war at all or do not even know we’re at war, which is a luxury, because it all happens “over there.”  If we do indeed view it, it is filtered through our cable news channels of choice.  The closest we get to it is those “beautiful” missile videos from the foc’sle of the USS Porter and the foc’sle of the USS Ross this past April 7.  And this goes for a great number of military members, too.  The closest we get to the action is the air-conditioned “combat information center” on the USS Cowpens—the dark, blue-lit room with all the radars like you see on the movies—where actual armchair warriors preside.      
None of this is to argue that all civilians and current military members not on a front line should sign up for the infantry.  Nor that you have to do so in order to state an opinion on a war or on war in general.  I think the fewer people exposed to direct violence the better.  Nor is this to argue that Bashar al-Assad is a good man, as we use the missile attacks on Syria as an illustration.  Nor that all use of force—in Syria or elsewhere by every actor always—is a priori wrong.  While I hold a presumption against war, I am in the end not a pacifist.  But, these issues cost lives, and therefore they merit debate.  There is little to no debate in the United States of America about war.
“Mild-looking middle-class boys” and girls grow up with an easy and simplistic patriotism.  This patriotism prefers slogans to critical thinking.  It demands flag-pins and support-the-troops car magnets over sacrifice and responsibility.  Its images of war are beautiful missiles that, by definition of nation of origin, are morally justified.  That patriotism, combined with an endless supply of consumer goods, makes for a deluded and distracted public that acquiesces in endless war.    
I am thankful that I was not on the Cowpens when it fired those 37 missiles; I am thankful that I am not currently on the Porter or the Ross; but my own non-explicit involvement makes little difference to the people on the other end of those missiles.  The fudging spreadsheets, the counting bullets, the painting and re-painting of the hull, the circling with the carrier in the Pacific for weeks at a time, the sweeping, and the inspecting and preparing for inspections has all been for those missile moments.  All that bureaucracy eventually kills, as it has killed before.  That is its mission after all.  Are we okay with that?  Some say “yes,” but I doubt most of us have really thought about it.  Thus, the mission proceeds with easy patriotism’s blessings.  This is the normal war story—the normal, clean, and removed war—that we are a part of, and the story continues.  It is a strange and latent militarism that we possess.  We receive it very early on in our lives, and it all appears so normal.  


“In a free society,” said Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, “some are guilty, but all are responsible.”  With that spirit and in this little corner of the internet, I revisit the USS Pelican and the USS Cowpens.  This is a longer series that I will for the moment call, “Assumed the Watch, revisited.”  I will post new parts here and simultaneously compile them on the page labeled as such.  Perhaps we can exorcise some other demons.  I will do my best to stick to the stories.

Monday, July 17, 2017

The End of Imagination

122 nations voted to ban the bomb two weeks ago.  The nuclear powers and their client states, as one might expect, boycotted the negotiations.  True, even if all countries had agreed to the treaty, it would nevertheless still be difficult to implement.  But imagining is the first step.

In that spirit, we should re-read Arundhati Roy's lament for her country, India, when it first tested its bomb in 1998: "The End of Imagination."  Her words remain highly relevant: "The nuclear bomb is the most anti-democratic, anti-national, anti-human, outright evil thing that man has ever made.  If you are religious, then remember that this bomb is Man's challenge to God.  It's worded quite simply: We have the power to destroy everything that You have created.  If you're not religious, then look at it this way.  This world of ours is four billion, six hundred million years old.  It could end in an afternoon."

We should thank and follow the lead of those 122 countries.

Thursday, July 13, 2017

"I do not, in the end, fight fascists because I will win. I fight fascists because they are fascists."

Chris Hedges' ending credo in "Stopping Fascism", however, does not implicate Trump and the Trump cabal alone: 
 
"The idiots only know one word: 'more'....  Trump is the face of our collective idiocy....  The crisis we face is the result of a four-decade-long, slow-motion corporate coup d'etat that has left corporations and the war machine omnipotent, turned our electoral system into legalized bribery, and elevated public figures who master the arts of entertainment and artifice.  Trump is the symptom.  He is not the disease."

I highly recommend the whole lecture.  The blistering diagnosis is important to hear, especially as we have focused so much attention on the idiot-in-chief.  But even more important is the call to a faith, albeit a "harsh and dreadful" faith, in the last third of the talk:

"No act of rebellion, however futile it appears in the moment, is wasted....  Any act of rebellion no matter how few people show up or how heavily it is censored chips away at the corporate state....  The life of faith, and we are called to faith, is a life of confrontation....  Accept sorrow for who cannot be profoundly sorrowful at the state of our nation, the world, what we are doing to our planet.  But know that in resistance, there is a balm that leads to wisdom and, if not joy, a strange transcendent happiness."  




Wednesday, July 5, 2017

Yemen: Love in the Time of Cholera

There is a cholera outbreak in Yemen, and we deserve much of the blame.  This isn't just Trump.  While there was some bipartisan opposition against our latest arms deal with the Saudis, there was also enough bipartisan support for it.
Let's Make the Anti-War Movement Great Again!

Parades

Yesterday, I marched with the Chalfont-New Britain Democrats in the Chalfont-New Britain Fourth of July parade.  

When I consider the sentence above juxtaposed to my post-navy life and politics, I recognize three seemingly odd parts: 1. Chalfont-New Britain, 2. Democrats, and 3. Fourth of July parade.

Chalfont, in Central Bucks County, Pennsylvania is where I grew up.  Even though my parents moved to another suburb in 2005, my in-laws coincidentally moved there in 2013.  They are active in the Chalfont-New Britain Democrats, and that was our connection to the parade.  

Many commentators have urged young progressives to leave the cities and “move back home” if we want to make electoral change happen.  Young people have flocked to cities for many good reasons, but one side effect is that our votes cast in Newark, New Jersey could have had more punch if they were cast in Chalfont, Pennsylvania, for example.  The residents of Newark, after all, didn’t come close to voting for Donald Trump.  And, even though Bucks County as a whole barely went to Clinton in the election (48.4% to Trump’s 47.8%), too many of the soccer moms (and dads) that became famous in pre-election punditry voted for Trump to help give him Pennsylvania and the Electoral College.

Democrats. Shortly after leaving the navy, I also left the Democratic Party.  I saw it as too institutionally linked to Wall Street and to war and the military-industrial complex.  I still see it that way.  (For a fuller rendering, see a piece I wrote last summer titled “Why ‘I’m with her’...sort of...at least until November 9” ).  Nevertheless, I re-joined the Democrats a couple months ago.  For one, I wanted to vote in the New Jersey gubernatorial (closed) primary.  

Certainly, it will be the people’s movements that build the peaceable kingdom.  They will neither strictly align with nor be co-opted by the Democrats or any party.  But for now, electorally speaking, the Democrats remain the only real check and balance against Trump and Trumpism.  In regards to war, peacemaking, and making peace with the Democrats, I look to Barbara Lee as a courageous model to follow.

Fourth of July parade. Since W’s landing in a jet and then giving a speech in front of a "Mission Accomplished" banner on the USS Abraham Lincoln in 2003, I’ve tried to stay away from patriotic parades and speeches.  No, W’s speech wasn’t on the Fourth, but all subsequent Fourth speeches and parades—and for that matter Memorial Day and Veterans Day speeches and parades—have reeked of the same shallow mix of nationalism and militarism, sometimes even blessed by God himself.  At least to my nose.
  
Perhaps that is not fair, though.  On two levels, it isn’t fair, I now recognize.  One, there have been courageous, nuanced, and meaningful remembrances, which in my unplugging I’ve overlooked.  Here is one such, by “Angry Staff Officer,” entitled "How I Lost at Patriotism - and How We All Lose".  And, two, when we cede our parades and national liturgies and even our definitions to the jingoes, what do we expect?  So, maybe we need to parade in addition to protest.
The Chalfont-New Britain Democrats’ theme for yesterday was simple: Save the Earth.  It’s something that should be a bipartisan issue but sadly is not.  The crowd along the parade route looked a little different from the crowds in Newark during the People’s Organization for Progress rallies, but I was grateful yesterday to be a guest in a group in the town I grew up in.  
      

Chalfont?...Democrats?...Parades?  Some days, we have to be on the outside.  Some days, we have to be on the inside.  And when we must be on the inside, as Richard Rohr often says of life in the Church, let’s be near the edge.